Annotation guidelines
PARSEME corpora of multiword expressions - version 1.2 (2020)
PARSEME shared task on semi-supervised identification of verbal multiword expressions - edition 1.2 (2020)


Light verb constructions (LVC)

Light verb constructions (LVC) constitute a universal category. We retain the following key characteristics:

  1. They are formed by a verb v and a (single or compound) noun n, which either directly depends on v (and possibly contains a case marker or a postposition), or is introduced by a preposition.
    In case of Hindi, the noun can be replaced by an adjective which is morphologically identical to an eventive noun. If you annotate Hindi, everywhere is this page when the noun is referred to, you should read the noun or the adjective.
    • 5.2_A_verb-noun
    • إتخذ إجراء → verb+direct object noun
              قام بزيارة → verb+prepositional-object noun
              أدى التحية العسكرية →verb+ composed noun
    • вземам решение
              държа под контрол
    • zum Einsatz kommen
              eine Rede halten
    • παίρνω μία απόφαση
              δίνω στα νεύρα
             δίνω τη χαριστική βολή
    • to give a lecture → verb + direct-object noun
             to come into bloom → verb + prepositional-object noun
             to make a high five → verb + compound noun
    • hacer una promesa
              poner en peligro → verb + prepositional-object noun
             tener dolor de cabeza → verb + compound noun
    • lan egin , aurrera egin
    • faire une présentation → verb + direct-object noun
             procéder à une analyse → verb + prepositional-object noun
             faire un faux pas → verb + compound noun
    • stupiti na snagu
              držati predavanje
    • chiamare in causa
              fare una passeggiata
    • odnieść sukces
             mieć wyrzuty sumienia
             wykonać rzut karny
    • fazer um aborto → verb + direct-object noun
              estar com fome → verb + prepositional-object noun
              fazer uma mesa redonda → verb + compound noun
    • a duce dorul
              a da divorț
              a da în clocot
              a da în fiert
    • biti v dvomih → verb + prepositional-object noun,
              imeti predavanje → verb + direct-object noun
    • дати на знање dati na znanje
              поднети жалбу podneti žalbu
  2. The (single or compound) noun n is predicative and refers to an event (e.g. decision, visit) or a state (e.g. fear, courage). Predicative nouns are nouns that have semantic arguments, that is, they express predicates whose meaning is only fully specified by their semantic arguments:
    • 5.2_B_noun-event-state
    • قرار أخذ →noun refers to an event , there are 2 argument : a decider and decision
              كلمةألقى → noun refers to an event , there are 2 arguments : the talker and the speech
    • вземам решение → noun refers to an act or event
             давам съгласие → noun refers to an act or event
              имам притеснения → noun refers to a feeling or state
              имам готовност → noun refers to a feeling or state
    • eine Entscheidung treffen → noun refers to an event
             Angst haben→ noun refers to a state
    • παίρνω μία απόφαση, κάνω βόλτα → noun refers to an event
              έχω αγωνία, κάνω κουράγιο → noun refers to a state
    • to make a decision → noun refers to an event, there are 2 arguments: a decider and a choice
              to pay a visit → noun refers to an event, there are 2 arguments: a visitor and a visited place/person
             to have fear→ noun refers to a state, there are 2 arguments: somebody who is afraid and something frightening
              to have courage → noun refers to a state, there is 1 argument: the courageous person
    • dar un consejo → noun refers to an event, there are 3 arguments: an adviser, and advised person, and a theme
              tener valor → noun refers to a state, there is 1 argument: the courageous person
    • negar egin → noun refers to an act or event
             lo egin → noun refers to a state
    • donner un conseil → noun refers to an event, there are 3 arguments: an adviser, and advised person, and a theme
              avoir du courage → noun refers to a state, there is 1 argument: the courageous person
    • donijeti odluku → noun refers to an event
             imati osjećaj→ noun refers to a state
    • fare una domanda → noun refers to an event
             avere paura, avere coraggio → noun refers to a state
    • prowadzić rozmowy → the noun refers to an event
             mieć rację → the noun refers to a state
    • fazer uma prece → noun refers to an event, there are 2 arguments: the prayer and the thing she/he prays for
              ter sintomas → noun refers to a state, there are two arguments: the person having symptoms and the disease causing these symptoms
    • a lua o decizie , a face o vizită → noun refers to an event
             a avea curaj → noun refers to a state
    • biti v dvomih → noun refers to a state
              imeti predavanje → noun refers to an event
    • донети одлуку doneti odluku → the noun refers to an event
              имати право imati pravo → the noun refers to a state
  3. We retain two sub-categories of verbs, which define two sub-categories of LVCs:
    • The verb v is "light" in that it contributes to the meaning of the whole only by bearing morphological features: person, number, tense, mood, as well as morphological aspect. This implies that v's syntactic subject is n's semantic argument. In this case, we annotate the construction as LVC.full.
      • 5.2_C_verb-light
      • نصيحةأسدى
               تاريخالصنع
                إستراتيجية ال وضع
      • давам изявление
               нанасям щети
      • παίρνω μία απόφαση, κάνω βόλτα , έχω αγωνία, έχω πονοκέφαλο → noun refers to a state
      • to make a presentation
               to pay a visit
               to have rights
               to have a headache
               to carry out a destruction
      • dar un paseo
               tener valor
                tener dolor de cabeza
      • faire une présentation
                faire une visite
                avoir le droit
                avoir un mal de tête
      • napraviti pogrešku
      • fare una presentazione
                fare una visita
                avere il diritto
                avere un mal di testa
      • odnieść sukces
               mieć rację
               cierpieć na anemię
      • realizar uma apresentação
                fazer uma visita
                ter um direito
                ter dor de cabeça
      • a face o prezentare
               a face o vizită
      • imeti predavanje , biti mnenja , biti v pomoč , delati razlike
      • вршити претрес vršiti pretres
                имати право imati pravo
    • The verb v is "causative" in that it indicates that the subject of v is the cause or source of the event or state expressed by n. In other words, the noun has semantic arguments expressed as non-subject elements in the sentence, and the subject of the verb brings an additional information, indicating the cause of source of the event/state. In this case, we annotate the construction as LVC.cause. These constructions are expected to be less idiomatic than other VMWEs and can be understood as complex predicates with a causal support verb.
      • 5.2_D_verb-cause
      • حربالأعلن
                حقوق أعطى
               أملأعطى
      • давам възможност
               нося късмет
      • κάνω αιδικία
                δίνω ικανοποίηση
                προκαλώ καταστροφή
      • to grant rights
               to give a headache
               to provoke a reaction
      • dar derecho
                dar vértigo
                causar un accidente
      • donner le droit
                donner le vertige
                provoquer un accident
      • dati mogućnost
      • dare il diritto
                dare le vertigini
                causare un incidente
      • to sprawia nam kłopot
               nakłada obowiązek na użytkowników
               dać prawo
               narazić na straty
               stawiać komuś cel
      • dar o direito
                dar tontura
                provocar um acidente
      • a da dureri de cap
      • dati ime nekomu , narediti konec nečemu
      • изнети мишљење izneti mišljenje
                задати главобољу zadati glavobolju

The following decision tree should be applied to decide whether a candidate should be annotated as a LVC.full, LVC.cause or none.

LVC-specific decision tree:

  • Apply test LVC.0 - [N-ABS: Is the noun abstract?]
    • It is not an LVC, exit
    • Apply test LVC.1 - [N-PRED: Is the noun predicative?]
      • It is not an LVC, exit
      • Apply test LVC.2 - [V-SUBJ-N-ARG: Is the subject of the verb a semantic argument of the noun?]
        • Apply test LVC.3 - [V-LIGHT: The verb only adds meaning expressed as morphological features?]
          • It is not an LVC, exit
          • Apply test LVC.4 - [V-REDUC: Can a verbless NP-reduction refer to the same event/state?]
            • It is not an LVC, exit
            • It is an LVC.full
        • Apply test LVC.5 - [V-SUBJ-N-CAUSE: Is the subject of the verb the cause of the noun?]
          • It is not an LVC, exit
          • It is an LVC.cause

Note: test 10 [N-SEM] from the previous version of the guidelines (1.0) was considered unnecessary and has been abandoned in the current version of the guidelines.

Note: LVC tests are often hard to apply. If you hesitate at some intermediary test, continue to the next one, since the last tests of LVC.full and LVC.cause will help you reach your final decision.

Test LVC.0 - [N-ABS] Noun is abstract

Is the noun n abstract?

  • continue to next test
    • 5.2_E_test-lvc0-yes
    • ... قرار ، علم ، أمل ، إجتماع
    • проблем , възможност , изявление , план
    • προτεραιότητα, θυμός,αγάπη,δυσκολία, λόγος,παρουσίαση,γέννηση
    • priority, anger, love, opinion, difficulty, speech, presentation, birth
    • paseo , derecho , ilusión , fe , duelo
    • pas , édition , discours , explication , lute
    • problem , mogućnost , ideja
    • priorità , rabbia , amore , opinione , difficultà , discorso , presentazione ,
    • kłopot , wysokość , praca , prawo , zysk
    • prioridade , festa , fé , nascimento , distinção , problema , gol
    • răspuns , prezentare
    • dvom , mnenje , ime , vloga , odločitev
    • мишљење mišljenje , претрес pretres , побуна pobuna , одлука odluka
  • it is not an LVC
    • 5.2_F_test-lvc0-no
    • طاولة ، ورقة ، شخص ، يد
    • правя торта → a cake is a physical entity (not abstract)
             давам пари → money is a physical entity (not abstract)
             подавам ръка → hand is a physical entity (not abstract)
    • καρέκλα , τραπέζι , χέρι , άνθρωπος
    • chair, keyboard, hand, person
    • mesa , silla , mano , foto ,
    • aulki, teklatu, esku, pertsona
    • chaise , clavier , main , personne
    • stol , ruka , kruna
    • sedia , tastiera , mano , persona
    • złożyć kartkę → a sheet is a physical entity (not abstract)
             złożyć broń → arms is a physical entity (not abstract)
             bić pianę → foam is a physical entity (not abstract)
             wystawić fakturę → a bill is a physical entity (not abstract)
             mieć brata → a brother is a physical entity (not abstract)
    • cadeira , teclado , mão , pessoa , pedra
    • scaun , pian
    • oseba , mačka , kapa , avtomobil , roka
    • изнети јело izneti jelo → a dish is a physical entity (not abstract)

Some concrete nouns may be predicative (test LVC.1). For instance, a relational noun such as daughter is semantically incomplete without its argument: daughter of X, so daughter is predicative. However, concrete predicative nouns should not pass test LVC.0.

Some nouns may have both concrete and abstract interpretations. For instance, money is concrete when it refers to banknotes (paper money, bills): I didn't have money so I paid by credit card. However, money is abstract when referring to a conventional value used in transactions between people: He spent a lot of money in the mall. If one cannot be sure that the noun is used in its concrete interpretation, test LVC.0 passes.

Test LVC.1 - [N-PRED] Noun is predicative

Does the noun n have at least one semantic argument, implying that it is a predicative noun?

  • continue to next test
    • 5.2_G_test-lvc1-yes
    • إجتماععقد → event with 2 arguments the meeting and the person that organize the meeting
              حوار أجرى→ event with 2 argument the discussion athe the person who contribute the discussion
    • поставям акцент → event, with two arguments: the agent and the object being emphasized
             имам право → property, with one semantic argument: the possessor of the property
    • einen Besuch abstatten → event, with two arguments: the visitor and the visitee
             Angst haben → property with one semantic argument: the entity having fear
             einen Blick auf etwas werfen → an event with two arguments the entity glancing and the entity glanced at
    • κάνω μία επίσκεψη → event, with two arguments: the visitor and the visitee
             έχω τη δυνατότητα → property, with one core semantic argument: the entity having the ability
             έχω μίσος → state, with two arguments: the entity being in state hate and the entity hated
             βγάζω λόγο → event, with one obligatory argument: the entity making the speech
    • pay a visit → event, with two arguments: the visitor and the visitee
             have strength → property, with one semantic argument: the entity having strength
             take a glance at something → event, with two arguments: the entity glancing and the entity glanced at
             make a contribution → event, with two arguments: the contributor and the beneficiary (notice that contribution could refer to both the event and the thing being contributed, but we always prefer the former reading when possible)
    • hacer una visita → event, with two arguments: the visitor and the visitee
             tener valor → property, with one semantic argument: the entity having courage
             echar un vistazo a algo → event, with two arguments: the entity glancing and the entity glanced at
    • bisita egin event with two arguments: the visitor and the visitee
             itxaropena ukan event with one single argument: the person who hopes
    • avoir du courage → state(property), with one argument: the entity having courage
    • imati osjećaj → property with one semantic argument: the entity having feeling
             otići u posjet → event, with two arguments: the visitor and the visitee
             
    • fare una visita → event, with two arguments: the visitor and the visitee
             avere forza → property, with one semantic argument: the entity having strength
             dare uno sguardo a qualcosa → event, with two arguments: the entity glancing and the entity glanced at
    • złożyć wizytę → event, with two arguments: the visitor and the visitee
             złożyć skargę → event, with two arguments: the complaining person and the one he/she complains about
             mieć prawo → state, with two arguments: the person having the right and the thing (s)he has the right to
             budzić zastrzeżenia → state, with two arguments: the person having reservations and the object of the reservations
    • ter fome → property, with one argument: the entity that is hungry
             ter idade para fazer algo → state, with one argument: the entity that is old enough
              In PT, we consider that the following classes of predicative nouns pass the test: diseases (gripe, trombose, infarto), physical sensations (fome, sede, sono), emotions (medo, paixão, nojo), cognitive entities internal to the cognizer (ideia, opinião, preocupação), characteristics (coragem, teimosia, fraqueza), relations (contato, conflito, amizade) and nouns expressing communication or speech acts (conversa, discussão, briga, conselho).
    • a face o vizită → event, with one argument: the entity that visits
              a avea curaj → property, with one semantic argument: the entity having courage
    • imeti predavanje → event, with two arguments: a lecturer and the people who are attending the lecture
    • поднети жалбу podneti žalbu → event, with two arguments: the complaining person and the one he/she complains about
              имати право imati pravo → state, with two arguments: the person having the right and the thing (s)he has the right to
             
  • it is not an LVC
    • 5.2_H_test-lvc1-no
    • كتابه أحمد أعطى → the nounكتاب is a physical entity that does not pass test LVC.0, even though أحمد could be considered its semantic argument
              إعصارًا أحمدشهد → the noun إعصارًا is an event, but has no semantic arguments
    • Иван хвърли боклука → physical entity (not event/state)
    • Joe macht einen Kuchen→physical entity (not event/state), even though Joe could be considered a semantic argument
    • ο Γιάννης βγάζει τα ρούχα του → physical entity (not event/state)
    • Joe makes a cake → the noun is a physical entity that does not pass test LVC.0, even though Joe could be considered its semantic argument
             Joe experienced a tornado → the noun is an event, but has no semantic arguments
             Joe has a lot of money → the noun is abstract and Joe could be considered its semantic argument, but we consider that money (as well as other goods such as car and bananas) can exist independently of a possessor, so the possessor (owner) should not be considered as semantic argument of money
    • Ana tiene una bicicleta → noun is not abstract, so it does not pass test LVC.0
              Ana hace una foto → noun is not abstract, so it does not pass test LVC.0
    • pastela egin
    • Anna a un vélo → noun is not abstract, so it does not pass test LVC.0
              Anna affronte la tempête → noun is abstract but has no arguments
    • Ivan ima olovku → noun is not abstract, so it does not pass test LVC.0
    • Joe fa un dolce → physical entity (not event/state), even though Joe could be considered its semantic argument
             Joe ha vissuto un tornado → event, but has no semantic argument
    • przetrwać burzę burza has no semantic erguments although it is abstract
    • quebrar a cabeça → physical entity, does not pass test LVC.0
              In PT, we consider that the following classes of abstract nouns do not pass this test: informational content that do not require agents (informações, notícias), natural phenomena (chuva, neve, tornado).
    • Joe a făcut o prăjitură → physical entity (not event/state), even though Joe could be considered its semantic argument
    • Janez ima avto → the person that has a car could be considered as a semantic argument, but the car is not an event or a state
    • преживети земљотрес preživeti zemljotres земљотрес zemljotres has no semantic erguments although it is abstract

We only retain nouns n that have at least one semantic argument, which we define as a semantically mandatory and specific participant of the event or state expressed by the predicative noun.

Sometimes, it might be useful to consider verbs and adjectives derivationally related to the noun to reason about its semantic arguments.

Test LVC.2 - [N-SUBJ-N-ARG] Verb's subject is noun's semantic argument

Is the subject of the verb a semantic argument of the noun? In other words, is the verb linking the predicative noun to one of its semantic arguments that occurs as the subject of the verb?

  • continue to next test
    • 5.2_I_test-lvc2-yes
    • لصديقه نصيحة أحمد قدم أحمد is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (Advicer ) of the noun
    • Иван изнесе доклад → Иван is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (agent) of the activity
             Президентът получи покана за посещение в Германия → Президентът is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the receiver) of the invitation
             Президентът получи награда Президентът is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the receiver) of награда
    • ο Γιάννης έκανε μία παρουσίαση στο αφεντικό του → ο Γιάννης is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the presenter) of the noun
    • John made a presentation to his boss → John is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the presenter) of the noun
    • María dio un paseo → María is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the walker) of the noun
    • Max fait une promenade → Max is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the walker) of the noun
    • Helena je otišla u posjet prijateljici → Helena is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the visitor) of the visit
             Susjed jedobio dozvolu za gradnju → Neighbour is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the receiver) of the permission
    • Jan złożył wizytę Marii → Jan is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the visitor) of the visit
             Piotr dostał pozwolenie and budowę → Piotr is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the receiver) of the permission
             Beata ma marzenia o spokoju → Beata is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the possessor) of the dreams
             wyborcy ponoszą za to winę → wyborcy is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the agent) of the guilt
             ustawa budzić zastrzeżenia ustawa is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the theme) of zatrzeżenia
    • Felipe tomou dois banhos → Felipe is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the person taking a shower) of the noun
    • Ion i-a făcut o prezentare șefului său → Ion is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument (the presenter) of the noun
    • In Janezovo predavanje o slovenski kulturi za študente prevajalstva, the 3 syntactic arguments are expressed as a modifier with a possessive marker (Janezovo ) and prepositional phrases (o slovenski kulturi and za študente prevajalstva )
    • Бранко је добио постављење Branko je dobio postavljenje → Branko is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument of the appointment (receiver)
              Јелена је Бранку узвратила посету Jelena je Branku uzvratila posetu → Jelena is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument of the visit (visitor)
  • Go to test LVC.5
    • 5.2_J_test-lvc2-no
    • خطاب المراسل ال قاطع المراسل that is , the subject of the verb, is not a semantic argument of خطاب , since a speech does not necessarily have an interrupter
    • Приятелят на Мария прекъсна нейния доклад → Maria's friend, that is, the subject of the verb, is not a semantic argument of the report, since a report does not necessarily have an interrupter
    • το αφεντικό του Γιάννη διέκοψε την παρουσίασή του → το αφεντικό του Γιάννη , that is, the subject of the verb διέκοψε, is not a semantic argument of the noun predicate παρουσίαση , since a presentation does not necessarily have an interrupter
    • John's boss interrupted his presentation → John's boss, that is, the subject of the verb, is not a semantic argument of the presentation, since a presentation does not necessarily have an interrupter
              The report provides information about the economy → information only has one argument, which is its topic. The provider/source of an information is not one of its semantic arguments.
    • El periodista interrumpió el discurso → The journalist, that is, the subject of the verb, is not a semantic argument of the speech, since a speech does not necessarily have an interrupter
              El informe facilita información clave
    • Le journaliste a interrompu le discours → The journalist, that is, the subject of the verb, is not a semantic argument of the speech, since a speech does not necessarily have an interrupter
              Le rapport fournit des informations cruciales
    • Učenici su prekinuli le predavanje → Students, that is, the subject of the verb, is not a semantic argument of the speech, since a speech does not necessarily have an interrupter
    • Marek dał mi prawo wyboru → Marek is the subject of the verb and but not a semantic argument of the right (a right usually does not need to be grated)
             Incydent ten podważył zaufanie wyborców do kandydata → Incydent is the subject of the verb and but not a semantic argument of the confidence
             komisja przeprowadziła wybory → komisja is the subject of the verb but not a semantic argument of wybory , which only requires the voters and the matter of the vote
    • O jornalista interrompeu a inauguração → The journalist, that is, the subject of the verb, is not a semantic argument of an inauguration, since an inauguration does not necessarily have an interrupter
              O relatório traz informações polêmicas → information only has one argument, which is its topic. The provider/source of an information is not one of its semantic arguments.
    • To define a predavanje one needs to mention three participants: the presenter, the audience and the topic of the presentation. In other words, the existence of a lecture implies the existence of its arguments.
    • Демонстранти су прекинули говор Demonstranti su prekinuli говор → Protesters are the subject of the verb but not a semantic argument of the speech (a speech does not necessarily have an interrupter)
              комисија је спровела гласање komisija je sprovela glasanje комисија komisija is the subject of the verb but not a semantic argument of гласање glasanje , which only requires the voters and the matter of the vote

It is not always easy to determine if the verb's subject is an argument of the noun. You can use the former syntactic version of this test to verify your intuitions.

Test LVC.3 - [V-LIGHT] Verb with light semantics

Is v semantically light, that is, is the semantics that v adds to n restricted to: (i) what stems from its morphological features (e.g. future, plural, perfective aspect, etc.), (ii) pointing at the semantic role of n played by v's subject?

  • continue to next test
    • 5.2_K_test-lvc3-yes
    • قرار أخذ أخذ adds no meaning to قرار besides that of performing an activity
              معروف قدم قدم adds no meaning to معروف besides that of performing activity
              زيارةبقام قام adds no meaning to زيارة besides that of performing an activity
    • вземам решение вземам adds no meaning to решение besides that of performing an act
             държа реч държа adds no meaning to реч besides that of performing an act
              поемам отговорност поемам adds no meaning to отговорност besides that of having a property
    • eine Entscheidung treffen treffen adds no meaning to Entscheidung besides that of performing an activity
              Angst haben haben adds no meaning to Angst besides that of having a property.
    • κάνω μία βόλτα κάνω adds no meaning to βόλτα besides that of performing an activity
             παίρνω μία απόφαση παίρνω adds no meaning to απόφαση besides that of performing an activity
             έχω άγχος έχω adds no meaning to άγχος besides that of having a property
             διενεργώ έλεγχο διενεργώ is a pure syntactic operator: in any context, it only bears tense and mood and never adds any sense to the noun
             διαπράττω ένα έγκλημα διαπράττω is a pure syntactic operator: in any context,it only bears tense and mood and never adds any sense to the noun
             
    • take a walk take adds no meaning to walk besides that of performing an activity
             make a decision make adds no meaning to decision besides that of performing an activity
             have fear have adds no meaning to fear besides that of having a property
             perform a check perform is a pure syntactic operator: in any context, it only bears tense and mood and never adds any sense to the noun
             commit a crime commit is a pure syntactic operator: in any context,it only bears tense and mood and never adds any sense to the noun
             pay a visit → the verb in its usual sense means 'to spend some money on a visit', but here it is not used in this sense and does not add any semantics to the "visiting" event
             deliver a speech → the verb in its usual sense means 'to move from one place to another', but here it is not used in this sense and does not add any semantics to the "speech" event
             undergo a surgery undergo adds no meaning to surgery besides indicating that the subject is the patient of the surgery
    • dar un paseo dar adds no meaning to paseo besides that of performing an activity
             tomar una decisión tomar adds no meaning to decisión besides that of performing an activity
             tener miedo tener adds no meaning to miedo besides that of having a property
    • usain egin the verb egin adds no meaning to the noun usain besides that of performing an activity
             lo egin the verb egin adds no meaning to the noun lo besides that of performing an activity
    • ils ont du courage have adds no meaning to courage besides that of having a property
              ils reçoivent l’ordre de partir receive adds no meaning to order besides indicating that the subject is the recepient of the order
              il a subi une intervention chirurgicale undergo adds no meaning to surgery besides indicating that the subject is the patient of the surgery
    • imati hrabrost imati adds no meaning to hrabrost besides that of having a property
              donijeti odluku donijeti in its usual sense means 'to bring', but here it is not used in this sense and does not add any semantics to event
    • fareuna passeggiata fare adds no meaning to passeggiata besides that of performing an activity
             prendere una decisione prendere adds no meaning to decisione besides that of performing an activity
              avere paura avere adds no meaning to paura besides that of having a property
             eseguire un controllo eseguire is a pure syntactic operator: in any context, it only bears tense and mood and never adds any sense to the noun
             commettere un crimine commettere is a pure syntactic operator: in any context,it only bears tense and mood and never adds any sense to the noun
             fare una visita → the verb in its usual sense means 'make', but here it is not used in this sense and does not add any semantics to the "visiting" event
             fare un discorso → the verb in its usual sense means 'to make', but here it is not used in this sense and does not add any semantics to the "speech" event
    • oddać hołd oddać adds no meaning to hołd besides that of performing an activity
             wystąpić z wnioskiem wystąpić z adds no meaning to wniosek besides that of performing an activity
    • mover uma ação judicial to move adds no meaning to lawsuit besides that of performing an activity
              apresentar uma lesão to present adds no meaning to lesion besides that of having a property
              estar com medo to be with adds no meaning to fear besides that of being in a state
    • a avea curaj avea adds no meaning to curaj besides that of thaving a property
              a lua o decizie lua adds no meaning to decizie besides that of performing an activity
    • Janez ima predavanje → Janez is the subject of the verb and a semantic argument of the noun (the lecturer)
    • одати почаст odati počast одати odati adds no meaning to почаст počast besides that of performing an activity
              изрећи казну izreći kaznu изрећи izreći adds no meaning to казну kaznu besides that of performing an activity
  • it is not an LVC
    • 5.2_L_test-lvc3-no
    • إنتباه شد شد indicates that the attention starts
    • започвам играта започвам adds an aspectual meaning to the noun
    • eine Rede beginnen beginnen adds an aspectual meaning to the noun Rede
    • ξεκινάω μία προσπάθεια ξεκινάω adds an aspectual meaning to the noun
    • to start a walk start adds an aspectual meaning to the noun
    • comenzar un discurso comenzar adds an aspectual meaning to the noun discurso
    • oinez hasi the verb hasi adds an aspectual meaning to the noun
    • donner du courage donner indicates the source of the courage (this would not pass test LVC.2)
             donner son avis donner adds the information that the opinion is communicated
              Ce fait attire l'attention de la justice attirer indicates the attention starts
    • početi igru početi adds an aspectual meaning to the noun
    • cominciare un ballo cominciare adds an aspectual meaning to the noun ballo
    • wymierzyć sprawiedliwośćwymierzyć adds an aspectual meaning to sprawiedliwość
             przejść na emeryturęprzejść adds an inchoative (change-of-state) meaning to the noun
             propozycja budzi zastrzeżeniabudzi add an inchoative meaning to zastrzeżenia
             dopełnić obowiązkudopełnić adds a fulfillment meaning to obowiązek
    • entrar com uma ação judicial to enter adds an aspectual meaning to the noun
             dar uma opinião to giveadds the meaning of communication which is not present in the name itself (one can ter uma opinião without ccommunicating it).
    • a începe munca începe adds an aspectual meaning to the noun
    • Študent je prekinil njegovo predavanje → The student, that is, the subject of the verb, is not a semantic argument of the lecture, since a lecture does not necessarily have an interrupter
    • отићи у пензију otići u penziju отићи otići adds an inchoative (change-of-state) meaning to the noun
             испунити дужност ispuniti dužnost испунити ispuniti adds a fulfillment meaning to дужност dužnost

Note that this light semantics of the verb is either usual for that verb (i.e. the verb is a pure syntactic operator, like commit, perform), or occurs in the context of the particular noun (e.g. for pay in to pay a visit). Both types of verbs pass the test.

In our view of LVCs, we do not require a light verb to be "bleached", as it is sometimes described in the literature. We simply do not take into account the relation between the verb's use as a light verb and its other uses. While the specific meaning added by light verbs to the predicative nouns have been extensively studied and described (e.g. by Miriam Butt and Tafseer Ahmed), we do not adopt any fine-grained classification here. If you have a doubt about a verb's "lightness", proceed to the next test: if you can evoke the same event/state without using the verb, then it is considered light.

Test LVC.4 - [V-REDUC] - Verb reduction

Try to build an NP without the verb, in which v's subject s becomes n's dependent. You might need to test several prepositions (of, by, for, from), possessives (my, her, somebody's), postpositions, case markers, as long as you use no verb. Can this verbless NP refer to the same event or state as the candidate v+n construction does?

  • annotate as LVC.full
    • 5.2_M_test-lvc4-yes
    • دورا يلعب أحمد دور أحمد
              تحقيق أحمد ب قام تحقيق أحمد
    • Иван пое отговорност отговорността на Иван — both refer to the same property/event
             Иван взе решение решението на Иван — both refer to the same property/event
    • Paul hat eine Rede gehalten Paul's speech both refer to the same speech event
              Ich habe ihm einen Besuch abgestattet mein Besuch both refer to the same visiting event
    • ο Γιάννης έκανε μία παρουσίαση η παρουσίαση του Γιάννη — both refer to the same presenting event
    • Paul had a walk Paul's walk — both refer to the same walking event
             I paid him a visit my visit to him — both refer to the same visiting event
             Hester gave birth to Pearl Pearl's birth to Hester — both refer to the same birthing event (note that the key criterion is that Hester, the subject of the verb, is a (prepositional) dependent of birth in the paraphrase)
              The party gave priority to senior members → the priority of senior members for the party — both refer to the same prioritization event
    • Pedro dio un paseo el paseo de Pedro — both refer to the same walking event
              El capitán da la orden de partir la orden del capitán de partir
    • Pellok bisita egin zidan → Pelloren bisita -- both refer to the same visiting event
    • Paul a fait une enquête L'enquête de Paul
              Paul procède à une perquisition La perquisition de/par Paul
              Le général donne l'ordre de partir l'ordre du général de partir
              Les soldats reçoivent l'ordre de partir l'ordre aux soldats de partir
              Jean souffre de troubles psychiques Les troubles psychiques de Jean
              Jean présente une hypersensibilité l'hypersensibilité de Jean
              Paul reçoit des menaces de (la part de) Pierre les menaces de Pierre à Paul
              Ce médicament présente un risque le risque de ce médicament
             Ce fait attire l'attention de la justice l'attention de la justice pour/sur ce fait
    • Istraživač je donio zaključak njegov zaključak both refer to the same event
    • Paolo ha fatto una conquistala conquista di Paolo
              Il generale da l' ordinedi partire. L'ordine di/da parte del generale di partire
              Paolo riceve delle minacce da (parte di) Piero le minacce di Piero a Paolo
    • Obecni oddali hołd poległym hołd obecnych
             Jan miał na myśli Marię myśl Jana
             Jan otrzymał wymówieniewymówienie dla Jana
             Inwestycja przynosi zyski zyski z inwestycji
    • João cometeu um deslize o deslize do João — both refer to the same event
             O jogador cobrou um pênalti o pênalti do jogador — both refer to the same event
             João tem consciência do perigo a consciência do João sobre o perigo — both refer to the same state
             João recebeu a remuneração a remuneração do João — both refer to the same event
              O paciente recebeu a visita dos familiares a visita dos familiares ao paciente — both refer to the same event
             João apresenta lesões as lesões do João — both refer to the same state
    • Paul a făcut o plimbare plimbarea lui Paul — both refer to the same walking event
              i-am făcut o vizită vizita mea — both refer to the same visiting event
    • imeti dvome imeti adds no meaning to dvomi besides that of having a property
              delati razlike delati in its usual sense means 'to make', but here it is not used in this sense and does not add any semantics to event
    • Професор држи предавање Profesor drži predavanje професорово предавање profesorovo predavanje
             Овај лек представља ризик Ovaj lek predstavlja rizik ризик од овог лека rizik od ovog leka
  • it is not an LVC
    • 5.2_N_test-lvc4-no
    • في عام 2001 النور رأى أفاد التقرير بأن برنامج الصحة نور برنامج الصحة# — one cannot remove the verb because the sense of communication is missed, so the verb is not light. As a consequence, the verbless NP ( نور برنامج الصحة ) fails to refer to the original event ( رأى برنامج الصحة النور )
    • Иван хвърли поглед на вестника #погледът на Иван върху вестника — different semantics; and requires a different preposition
    • Paul hat einen guten Eindruck gemacht #Paul's Eindruck auf seine Freunde has a different semantics
    • ο Παύλος πήρε νέα από τον αδερφό του #Τα νέα του Παύλου από τον αδερφό του — one cannot remove the verb because the sense of communication is missed, so the verb is not light. As a consequence, the verbless NP (Τα νέα του Παύλου) fails to refer to the original event (Paul got news)
    • Paul got news from his brother #Paul's news from his brother — one cannot remove the verb because the sense of communication is missed, so the verb is not light. As a consequence, the verbless NP (Paul's news) fails to refer to the original event (Paul got news)
    • Juan recibió la noticia de su hermano #La noticia de Juan — one cannot remove the verb because the sense of communication is missed, so the verb is not light. As a consequence, the verbless NP (la noticia de Juan) fails to refer to the original event (Juan recibió una noticia)
    • Hizlariak interesa piztu zuen #Hizlariaren interesa, #the speaker's interest -- different semantics
    • Son comportement porte une atteinte grave à l'honneur des soldats #l'atteinte de son comportement
    • Petar je dobio poruku od direktora #Petar's news from his boss — one cannot remove the verb because the sense of communication is missed, so the verb is not light. As a consequence, the verbless NP (Petar's message) fails to refer to the original event (Petar received message)
    • Michael Phelps pobił rekord sprzed 2 tysięcy lat→ #Michael Phelps' record
             Ulica nosi imię sławnego poety imię ulicy
             Adam jest tego samego zdania #zdanie Adama refers to the contents of his opinion, not to the fact of having an opinion
    • O jogador cobrou uma falta a falta do jogador — the focus changes from taking a free kick to being one of the parts involved in a foul (it's a VID)
              O jogador provocou uma lesão a lesão do jogador — In the reduced NP, the focus changes from hurting somebody else to getting hurt
              O músico apresenta suas composições as composições do músico — the reduced NP does not keep the sense of presenting, it is not refer to the same event as the verbal construction
    • Paul a făcut o impresie bună #Impresia lui Paul despre soția sa — different semantics
    • to začeti predavanje začeti adds an aspectual meaning to the noun
    • Бранко је оборио рекорд у трци на 100 метара Branko je oborio rekord u trci na 100 metara → #Бранков рекорд #Brankov rekord

This test has a simple formulation but its application has some important subtleties which are central to our definition of the LVC.full category. The goal of this test is to keep only constructions in which the predicative noun is an event or state , excluding "gray-zone" predicates.

First, if it is not possible to build an acceptable NP where the verb v's subject s becomes a dependent of the noun n, e.g. using any preposition, postposition and/or case marker, this means that the verb is not light, and the construction cannot be annotated as LVC.full. This may remove constructions in which there is control, that is, both the noun and the verb share the same subject. However, control is not sufficient to characterize an LVC.full. In other words, LVC.4 fails, the verb is not completely light, and you cannot annotate the construction as LVC.full, even if intuitively it resembles an LVC.full due to control:

  • 5.2_O_np-unacceptable
  • العمل قرار أحمد أخذ قرار أحمد بالعمل is unacceptable
  • Paul a l'air de dormir *l'air de dormir de Paul is unacceptable
            Paul a eu l'occasion de dormir *l'occasion de Paul de dormir is unacceptable
  • Zdravnik je postavil diagnozo njegova diagnoza both refer to the same event
            Politik jedal napoved njegova napoved both refer to the same event

Second, the fact that the NP is acceptable does not suffice to characterise an LVC.full. Furthermore, the NP version in which the verb was omitted, if acceptable, must evoke the same event or state as the LVC. Here are some tricky examples and some recommendations about how to interpret them:

  • 5.2_P_test-lvc4-borderline
  • جديدة اجراءت الشركة أخذت → the NP الاجراءت الجديدة is ok, the "الاجراءت " seem to refer to new procedures, so ok to annotated as LVC.full
  • Имам по-голям брат моят брат refers to one member of the relation, and not to the state of brotherhood between both actants
           отправих покана към приятелите си покана can be interpreted both as the act of inviting and as its contents; for the first reason we count this candidate as LVC.full
  • Mary has a brother Mary's brother is a concrete NP referring to one member of the relation (does not pass LVC.0), and not to the state of brotherhood between both actants
           Mary sent a letter Mary's letter refers to a concrete object participating in the event (does not pass LVC.0), but not to the sending event itself
            Mary has an opinion and more generally, cases of have + a noun refering to the state of having a mental content (opinion, belief) → Mary's opinion is ambiguous between the fact that she has an opinion and the content of her opinion. We recommend that these cases should be annotated as LVC.full
            Mary made a speech and more generally, cases of make + a noun refering to a speech act → Mary's speech refers to the informational content produced or communicated during the speech act, but can also refer to the act itself. We recommend that these cases should be annotated as LVC.full
            Mary made a decision decision can refer to the deciding event (a quick decision) and/or to what is decided. We recommend that these cases should be annotated as LVC.full
  • María tiene un hermano el hermano de María is a concrete NP referring to one member of the relation (does not pass LVC.0), and not to the state of brotherhood between both actants
           María envió una carta La carta de María refers to a concrete object participating in the event (does not pass LVC.0), but not to the sending event itself
            María dio un discurso and more generally, cases of dar + a noun refering to a speech act → el discurso de María refers to the informational content produced or communicated during the speech act, but can also refer to the act itself. We recommend that these cases should be annotated as LVC.full
            María tomó una decisión decisión can refer to the deciding event (a quick decision) and/or to what is decided. We recommend that these cases should be annotated as LVC.full
  • la compagnie a pris des mesures d'économie → the NP les mesures d'écononmie de la compagnie is ok, the semantic equivalence is difficult to judge, the "measures" seem to refer to cost-saving actions, so ok to annotated as LVC.full
  • mam starszego brata mój brat refers to one member of the relation, and not to the state of brotherhood between both actants
           Maria wysłała wiadomość wiadomość Marii refers to the contants of the message sent by Maria, rather than to the sending event itself
           Maria jest zdania, że zdanie Marii
  • Mojca jedala Tini priložnost #Mojčina priložnost has a different meaning; if the verb is removed, the original meaning is lost, so the verb is not light.
  • Марија је послала поруку Marija je poslala poruku Маријина порука Marijina poruka refers to the contants of the message sent by Maria, rather than to the sending event itself

Finally, some nouns, especially nominalisations, are ambiguous between events and their participants. For instance, a costruction may be an event (the construction of the bridge took 2 years) or its result (this bridge is a spectacular construction). In that case, if the verbless NP can refer to the event, then you should prefer this reading over the "participant" interpretation. For example, in John made a construction, you may ask if John's construction refers to the construction event or to its result. In this case, it can refer to the event, so it should be annotated as LVC.full.

Test LVC.5 - [V-SUBJ-N-CAUSE] Verb's subject is noun's cause

Is the subject of the verb expressing the cause of the predicate expressed by the noun? In other words, does the verb bring an additional participant to the scene, representing the source or cause of the event or state referred to by the noun?

  • annotate as LVC.cause
    • 5.2_Q_test-lvc5-yes
    • حقوق أعطى → X has the right to Y, the granter is not a semantic argument of rights, but it causes somebody to have the right to do someting
    • Иван даде възможност на Мария да представи картините си → Ivan is not a semantic argument of възможност but he is the cause of the opportunity
    • to grant rights → X has the right to Y, the granter is not a semantic argument of rights, but it causes somebody to have the right to do someting
             to give a headache → X has a headache, the cause of the headache, indicated as the subject of give is not a semantic argument
             the new law provoked the destruction of the building → the destruction of X by Y, the reason for the destruction is indicated by the verb provoke, which is a prototypical causative verb. Here, the subject is not the agent of destruction, but its cause. Notice that if the sentence was the explosion provoked the destruction of the building, then the construction would be an LVC.full
              residents seek to build consensus on the development of the territory → the semantic argument of consensus is the topic on which everybody agrees, the subject of build consensus expresses an external participant responsible for the consensus to exist.
    • otorgar derechos → X has the right to Y, the granter is not a semantic argument of rights, but it causes somebody to have the right to do someting
             dar dolor de cabeza → X has a headache, the cause of the headache, indicated as the subject of dar is not a semantic argument
             la nueva ley provocó la destrucción del edificio → the destruction of X by Y, the reason for the destruction is indicated by the verb provocar , which is a prototypical causative verb. Here, the subject is not the agent of destrucción , but its cause. Notice that if the sentence was la explosión provocó la destrucción del edificio , then the construction would be an LVC.full
    • zadati glavobolju → X has a headache, the cause of the headache, indicated as the subject of give is not a semantic argument
    • Marek dał mi prawo wyboru → Marek is not a semantic argument of prawo but he is the cause of the right
             dać podstawy prawne
             nakładać na kogoś powinność
             narazić kogoś na straty
             stawiać komuś cel
             ślady krwi wzbudziły podejrzenia policji
    • Bombardamentul a provocat moartea multor civili. Many civilians (mulți civili) died and their death (moarte) was provoked by the bombing (bombardamentul)
    • Борко је Марији задао бриге Borko je Mariji zadao brige → Marija has a headache, the cause of the headache, indicated as the subject of задао zadao is not a semantic argument of бриге brige
  • it is not an LVC
    • 5.2_R_test-lvc5-no
    • إنطباع أعطى → the subject of أعطى is not what is causing إنطباع
    • Този инцидент подрони авторитета на кандидата → Инцидентът is neither a semantic argument of the authority nor its cause
    • to relieve a headache → the subject of relieve is not what is causing a headache
             to give birth → tricky case, since the subject of give actually is a semantic argument of birth, so it cannot be its cause. This construction must be annotated as VID (it does not pass test VPC.4 either).
             excessive heat provokes fire → even though provoke prototypically expresses a cause, in this case fire is not predicative and should not pass test LVC.1, so the construction cannot be annotated as LVC.cause
    • calmar un dolor de cabeza → the subject of calmar is not what is causing a headache
             dar a luz → tricky case, since the subject of dar actually is a semantic argument of a luz, so it cannot be its cause. This construction must be annotated as VID (it does not pass test VPC.4 either).
             un calor excesivo provoca incendios → even though provocar prototypically expresses a cause, in this case incendios is not predicative and should not pass test LVC.1, so the construction cannot be annotated as LVC.cause
    • Incydent ten podważył zaufanie wyborców do kandydata → Incydent is neither a semantic argument of the confidence nor its cause (it is the opposite of the cause)
             komisja przeprowadziła wybory → komisja is neither a semantic argument of wybory not its cause
             mocny zapach uśpił czujność psów → the scent is the opposite of the cause of vigilance
    • căldura excesivă provoacă incendii → even though provoca prototypically expresses a cause, in this case incendiu is not a predicate and should not pass test LVC.1, so the construction cannot be annotated as LVC.cause
    • Marija ima brata Marijin brat is a concrete NP referring to one member of the relation (does not pass LVC.0), and not to the state of brotherhood between both actants
             Marija je poslala pismo Marijino pismo refers to a concrete object participating in the event (does not pass LVC.0), but not to the sending event itself
              Marija ima mnenje and more generally, cases of imeti + a noun refering to the state of having a mental content (mnenje, predstava, dvom ) → Marijino mnenje is ambiguous between the fact that she has an opinion and the content of her opinion. We recommend that these cases should be annotated as LVC.full
              Marija je postavila vprašanje/trditev and more generally, cases of postaviti + a noun refering to a speech act → Marijino vprašanje refers to the informational content produced or communicated during the speech act, but can also refer to the act itself. We recommend that these cases should be annotated as LVC.full
    • Борко ће Марију ослободити брига Borko će Mariju osloboditi briga → Borko, the subject of ослободити osloboditi is not what is causing бриге brige

Constructions annotated as LVC.cause involve:

  1. verbs that are typically used to express the cause of predicative nouns in general (e.g. cause, provoke), or
  2. verbs that are only used to express the cause of particular predicative nouns (e.g. grant in to grant a right).

When the construction involves a typically causative verb (e.g. cause, provoke), it might seem counter-intuitive to annotate it as VMWE because it looks perfectly regular, not presenting any VMWE idiosyncrasy. However, it turned out difficult to distinguish idiosyncratic from regular LVC.cause, so both should be annotated, like for LVC.full. In other words, some LVC.cause constructions are compositional and can be understood as complex predicates with a causal support verb, regardless of their compositionality.

Typically causative verbs (e.g. cause, provoke) can sometimes be light. In this case, according to the LVC decision tree, LVC.full has priority over LVC.cause. For instance, the announcement provoked an unexpected reaction should be annotated as LVC.full and not LVC.cause, although provoke is a typically causative verb. Indeed, reaction has two arguments (reaction of X to Y), one of which is the subject of the verb (test LVC.2 passes). In other words, typically causative verbs may be used in either LVC.full or LVC.cause, depending upon whether the cause subject of the verb is a normal, canonical argument to the predicative noun (LVC.full) or an "external" non-canonical cause (LVC.cause).

Some verbs could be considered causative, but their interpretation goes beyond purely indicating the cause of the event/state. Therefore, you should NOT annotate as LVC.cause constructions involving:

  • verbs which encode a manner of causation:
    • 5.2_S_lvc-causal-manner
    • to call a meeting entails communication to schedule the meeting
              to hold a meeting entails leadership
             to organize classes entails preparation
  • verbs which encode modality:
    • 5.2_T_lvc-causal-modality
    • to allow dialogue entails permission
              to foster dialogue entails assistance
              to require dialogue entails necessity
  • aspectual verbs whose subject is a semantic argument of the noun:
    • 5.2_U_lvc-causal-aspect
    • we started the meeting
              we ended the meeting
             we continued the meeting

Problematic cases and remarks

Syntactic variants

The (single or compound) noun n functions as a regular syntactic dependent, so LVCs exhibit regular syntactic variants.

  • 5.2_V_variants
  • قرار أخذ المدير أخذه الذي القرار
  • взема решениерешението, което президентът взе
  • eine Entscheidung treffen → die Entscheidung die der Direktor zu treffen hatte.
  • παίρνωμία απόφαση → η απόφαση που πρέπει κάποιος να πάρει.
  • make a decision → the decision that the director has to make.
  • tomar una decisión → la decisión tomada por la directora.
  • erabaki bat hartu → zuzendariak hartutako erabakia
  • prendre une décision → la décision prise par la directrice.
  • donijeti odluku odluka koju je morao donijeti direktor
  • prendere una decisione → la decisione che il direttore ha dovuto prendere.
  • wziąć udział wzięcie udziału , biorący udział
  • tomar banho → o banho que eu tomei estava bom
  • a lua o deciziedecizia pe care directorul trebuie să o ia .
  • dati ime nekomu → the object receives a name and this action implies that as a result he/she is named. Therefore person who gives a name causes that something is named. The subject of the verb is not its semantic argument.
           narediti konec nečemu → the result of this action is that something is finished, which is caused by the subject of narediti
  • задати некоме бриге zadati nekome brige бриге које је Борко задао Марији brige koje je Borko zadao Mariji

As explained in the section on syntactic variants of VMWEs, all LVC tests should be applied to the canonical form, that is, one in which the verb is in active voice and in finite form. If there is no canonical form, this is an indication that the target construction might not be an LVC, but a verbal idiom instead.

Selection of the verb

In many cases of LVCs, it can be said that there is some degree of selection of the verb by the noun.

  • 5.2_W_selection
  • جولة ب قام vs سباق ب قام
  • вземам решение vs *вземам отговорност
           имам право vs *притежавам право
  • eine Entscheidung treffen vs.*eine Entscheidung machen vs. *einen Beschluss treffen
  • κάνω διάλειμμα vs. #παίρνω διάλειμμα
  • have a walk vs *have a race
           run a race vs *run a walk
  • tomar una decisión vs *dar una decisión but darse/tomar una ducha
  • pauso eman vs. ?pauso egin
           bisita egin vs. bisita eman
  • faire une marche vs *procéder à une promenade but faire/procéder à une enquête
  • postaviti pitanje vs *postaviti odgovor
  • prendere una decisione vs.*fareuna decisione vs. *prendere una conclusione
  • wziąć udział vs. *pobrać udział
           mieć rację vs. *posiadać rację
  • fazer uma prece vs. *dar uma prece but fazer/dar uma caminhada
  • a da divorț vs. *a oferi divorț
  • dati nasvet → the subject of dati cannot cause an advice
  • имати право imati pravo vs. *поседовати право *posedovati pravo

Yet some regularities exist. For example, large classes of nouns function with have (e.g. +property) or commit (+negative achievement). Therefore, we chose not to retain the selection of the verb as a criterion for LVC categorization. Instead, the decision tree should be applied to decide whether a candidate should be annotated as LVC.

Scope of annotation vs. literature on LVCs

Many authors distinguish support verbs from light verbs, still others differentiate between true light verbs and vague action verbs.

On the one hand, we take a narrower scope than what is usually considered in the literature by ignoring aspectual support verbs (except when aspect is morphological). We believe that aspectual verbs do contribute an additional (change of state) meaning to the expression, and most of the time they are completely productive, not forming interesting VMWEs. For instance, for the predicative noun walk, we will consider the light verb to have, but not the aspectual verbs to start, to pursue, to stop a walk. Thus, to have a walk is an LVC.full. Note that for some nouns such as bloom, which are in itself inchoative, we do consider to come into bloom as LVC.full, as both the verb and the noun are inchoative, so the verb does not add any semantics to the noun.

On the other hand we take a broader scope than what is usually considered in the literature by taking in cases in which the verb has light semantics per se (it only bears morphology, such as the tense and mood, in any case), which hence cannot be described as "bleached" as is usually said of support verbs. For instance, whereas to pay does not have its usual meaning in to pay a visit, it cannot really be said that commit does not have one of its meanings in commit a crime (note that commit can be used with any negatively charged achievement noun, e.g. suicide, crime, fraud, felony...). Nonetheless, we annotate to commit a crime as LVC.full since it passes all tests.

Verb and adjective paraphrase

One test often used in the literature is the existence of a morphologically related verb or adjective that means the same as the LVC. For instance, to make a visit is equivalent to to visit, to have an illness is equivalent to to be ill. Note however that it is neither sufficient nor compulsory:

  • some LVCs have no derivationally-related equivalents, such as to have a flu, to have faith and to commit a crime;
  • some constructions that are not LVCs do have a derivationally-related equivalent such as to write an email and to email;
  • some LVCs have derivationally-related equivalents that do not mean the same as the LVC, such as to make a face and to face, or that have different argumental structure from the LVC, such as to have a problem and to be problematic.

Nonetheless, it might be useful to reason about the derivationally-related equivalents to decide whether a noun is predicative in test LVC.1. Therefore, here are some useful questions that might help deciding about the predicative nature of the noun in the LVC candidate

Verb paraphrase Is the abstract noun derivationally related to a verb with the same semantics? Then, there is probably a semantic argument, which coincides with the subject of the verb, so test LVC.1 passes:

  • 5.2_X_verb-paraphrase
  • القرار أحمد أخذ = أحمد قرر
  • вземам решение = решавам
            правя грешка = греша/сгрешавам
  • ο Γιάννης παίρνει μία απόφαση = ο Γιάννης αποφασίζει
            ο Γιάννης κάνει ένα ταξίδι = o Γιάννης ταξιδεύει
            ο Γιάννης έχει θάρρος = ο Γιάννης είναι θαρραλέος → and, more generally, characteristics and attributes
            ο Γιάννης έχει πείνα/δίψα = ο Γιάννης πεινάει/διψάει → and, more generally, physical sensations
            ο Γιάννης έχει πάθος/φόβο/θυμό = ο Γιάννης παθιάζεται/φοβάται/θυμώνει → and, more generally, feelings, emotions, states
  • John makes a decision = John decides
           John has a walk = John walks
  • Juan toma una decisión = Juan decide
            Juan da un paseo = Juan pasea
  • Jonek erabakia hartu du = Johen erabaki du
  • Ivan donosi odluku = Ivan odlučuje
            Janica jeodnijela pobjedu = Janica je pobijedila
  • Jan podejmuje decyzję = Jan decyduje
           Ewa odniosła zwycięstwo = Ewa zwyciężyła
  • Ion ia o decizie = Ion decide
  • postaviti vprašanje vprašanje, ki ga je moral postaviti
  • Марко је донео одлуку Marko je doneo odluku = Марко је одлучио Marko je odlučio
            Марко је узео учешће Marko je uzeo učešće = Марко је учествовао Marko je učestvovao

Adjective paraphrase: Is the abstract noun derivationally related to an adjective with the same semantics? Then, there is probably a semantic argument, which coincides with the noun that is modified by the adjective, so test LVC.1 passes.

  • 5.2_Y_adj-paraphrase
  • شجاعة أحمد ال يملك = شجاع أحمد
  • имам смелост = съм смел to be courageous
           нямам търпение = съм нетърпелив
           нося отговорност = съм отговорен
  • ο Γιάννης έχει θάρρος = ο Γιάννης είναι θαρραλέος
  • John has courage = John is courageous → and, more generally, characteristics and attributes
           John has hunger/thirst = John is hungry/thirsty → and, more generally, physical sensations
           John has passion/fear/anger = John is passionate/afraid/angry → and, more generally, feelings and emotions
           John has problems/difficulties = Something is problematic/difficult for John → and, more generally, states
  • Juan tiene miedo = Juan es miedoso → and, more generally, characteristics and attributes
           Juan tiene hambre = Juan está hambriento → and, more generally, physical sensations
  • Anek itxaropena du = Ane itxaropentsu dago → and, more generally, characteristics and attributes
           Anek = Ane gosetuta and, more generally, physical sensations
  • imati strpljenja = biti strpljiv to be patient
            nositi odgovornost = biti odgovoran
  • mieć odwagę = być odważnym
           mieć straty = być stratnym
           mieć sens = być sensownym
  • avea curaj = fi curajos
  • имати храбрости imati hrabrosti = бити храбар biti hrabar

Synonym verb/adjective paraphrase: Does the abstract noun have a synonym/hypernym derivationally related to a verb or adjective with the same semantics? Then, the questions above can be applied to the synmonym verb/adjective.

  • 5.2_Z_syn-paraphrase
  • Иван и Мария постигнаха консенсус = Ivan and Maria agreed consensus has no corresponding verb or adjective, but agreement is a synonym
  • έχω τη γνώμη = πιστεύω γνώμη has no corresponding verb or adjective, but πίστη,άποψη are synonyms
  • John and Mary reach a consensus = John and Mary agree consensus has no corresponding verb or adjective, but agreement is a synonym
           John has a chance to do something = John is likely to do something chance has no corresponding verb or adjective, but likelihood is a synonym
  • Anek min eman dio Joni = Anek Jon mindu du
  • Radnici i uprava postigli su konsenzus = Radnici i uprava su se dogovorili konsenzus has no corresponding verb or adjective, but dogovor is a synonym
  • mieć 190 cm wzrostu = mierzyć 190 cm
           dokonać inwazji = wtargnąć
  • da voie=permite
  • Маја има шансе да нешто уради Maja ima šanse da nešto uradi = Маја може нешто да уради Maja može nešto da uradi шанса šasna has no corresponding verb or adjective, but моћи/могућност moći/mogućnost is a synonym

The existence of a related verb is not a definitive tests, but a hint that the noun is probably predicative. Since determining whether a noun is predicative is tricky, we advise language teams to provide additional documentation and examples for borderline cases.

Checking if the subject is an argument with syntactic tests

The previous version of the guidelines had a syntactic test which you can still use to verify if the verb's subject is an argument of the noun. However, this test was considered hard to apply in the previous guidelines, and is not mandatory anymore.

The syntactic test consists in trying to add the semantic argument as a complement of the noun in the presence of the verb. In other words, does the noun n, in the presence of v, prohibit at least one syntactic argument a which it normally licensed in the absence of v?

Note: An alternative formulation for this test is the following: Let s be the subject of v, and let r be the semantic role that s plays with respect to the noun n. Is it prohibited for r to be realized both by s and by a syntactic argument a of n, except when a is in the whole–part relation with s?
  • 5.2_A_test-lvc2-prohib
  • الميزانية قرار   الوزير  أخذ   + قرار الحكومة في الميزانية في الميزانية قرارالحكومة أخذ الوزير الوزير the decider cannot be a modifier of decision قرار
  • Петър Стоянов взе решението да подпише договора + решението на президента да подпише договора*Петър Стоянов взе решението на президента да подпише договора — the noun cannot be modified by the person performing the act/event (which is the subject)
  • Die Königin hat dem Premierminister einen Besuch abgestattet + ein Besuch der Dame beim Premierminister *Die Königin hat einen Besuch der Dame beim Premierminister abgestattet — the visitor cannot be a modifier of visit
           Paul hat eine Entscheidung über das Budget getroffen + die Entscheidung des Rates über das Budget *Paul traf die Entscheidung des Rates über das Budget — the decision maker cannot modify decision
  • ο πρωθυπουργός έκανε επίσημη επίσκεψη στον Αμερικανό πρόεδρο + η επίσκεψη του πρωθυπουργού στον Αμερικανό πρόεδρο *ο πρωθυπουργός έκανε επίσημη επίσκεψη του υπουργού στον Αμερικανό πρόεδρο — the visitor cannot be a modifier of επίσκεψη
  • The Queen paid a visit to the Prime Minister + a visit of the Lady to the Prime Minister*The Queen paid a visit of the Lady to the Prime Minister — the visitor cannot be a modifier of visit
           Paul made a decision on the budget + the committee's decision on the budget*Paul made the committee's decision on the budget — the decision maker cannot modify decision
           Paul had a discussion with Mary+ Peter's discussion*Paul had Peter's discussion with Mary
           Bjarnson scored a goal + Arnason's goal*Paul scored Arnason's goal but Paul scored the goal of Iceland — the scoring entity can only modify goal in the last case, when they are part of the Iceland team
  • La reina hizo una visita al primer ministro + una visita de la primera dama al primer ministro *La reina hizo una visita de la primera dama al primer ministro — the visitor cannot be a modifier of visita
           Pablo tomó una decisión con respecto al presupuesto + la decisión del comité con respecto al presupuesto *Pablo tomó la decisión del comité con respecto al presupuesto — the decision maker cannot modify decisión
  • Ikasleek arreta jarri zioten irakasleari +lagunen arreta *Ikasleek lagunen arreta jarri zioten irakasleari the person paying attention cannot be a modifier of arreta
  • La ministre a rendu une visite aux victimes + la visite de la ministre aux victimes*La ministre a rendu une visite du président aux victimes — the visitor cannot be a modifier of visite
           Bjarnson a marqué un but + le but d'Arnason*Paul a marqué le but d'Arnason but Paul a marqué le but de l'Islande — the scoring entity can only modify but (goal) in the last case, when they are part of the Iceland team
  • Učiteljica je donijela odluku u vezi s izletom + učenikova odluka u vezi s izletom *učiteljica je donijela učenikovu odluku u vezi s izletom — the decision maker cannot modify decision
  • Il primo ministro ha preso la decisione di dimettersi + le dimissioni del governo *Il primo ministro ha preso la decisione del governo di dimettersi — the resigner cannot be a modifier of resignation
  • Paweł złożył rezygnację ze stanowiska dyrektora + rezygnacja Piotra *Paweł złożył rezygnację Piotra ze stanowiska dyrektora - the resignation cannot be modified by the resigning person
            Paweł prowadzi rozmowy *Paweł prowadzi rozmowy Piotra , Paweł prowadzi rozmowy komisji - the discussing entity komisja can only modify rozmowy if Paweł belongs to the commission.
           Jan otrzymał wymówienie + wymówienie dla Pawła *Jan otrzymał wymówienie dla Piotra
  • João está tomando banho + o banho do Pedro *João está tomando o banho do Pedro — the bath cannot be modified by a bath taker
           Pedro sofreu prejuízo com a compra + o prejuízo do José *Pedro sofreu o prejuízo do José com a compra — the financial loss cannot be modified by the affected entity
           A Maria fez um aborto + o aborto da Joana #A Maria fez o aborto da Joana — the noun cannot be modified by another patient
            O médico realizou o parto com sucesso + o parto do Dr. Pedro *O médico realizou o parto do Dr. Pedro com sucesso — the childbirth could be modified by the mother (patient) but not by another doctor (agent).
  • Paul a dat sfaturi surorii sale + sfatul lui Petre Paul a dat sfatul lui Petre surorii sale sfatul cannot be modified by its author
  • Aleš si dela skrbi = Aleš je zaskrbljen → and, more generally, feelings and emotions
  • Борко је водио расправу с Маријом Borko je vodio raspravu s Marijom + Петрова расправа +Petrova rasprava *Борко је водио Петрову расправу с Маријом *Borko je vodio Petrovu raspravu s Marijom

The rationale for this tests is that a semantic argument n cannot be realized as its syntactic dependent, since it is already realized as v's syntactic dependent instead (usually as v's subject). For instance the noun visit takes two semantic arguments, the visitor and the visited entity, as in the visit of the Queen to the Prime Minister. When used in to pay a visit, the visitor semantic argument is realized as the subject of to pay (The Queen paid a visit to the Prime Minister), and cannot be realized at the same time within the NP headed by visit (*The Queen paid a visit of the Lady to the Prime Minister).

Note that the syntactic formulation may be tricky to apply. It is sometimes possible to add the semantic argument as a complement of the noun in the presence of the verb, if we change the interpretation of the argument (and thus its thematic role). For instance, even though the construction John took Luke's decision may be acceptable, the interpretation would be comparative (John took a decision that Luke should have taken). Therefore, the test passes since the verb is still connecting a predicate (decision) to its argument (John, the decider).